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The rest of his days he devoted to works of travel, faith and charity. There he drafted an appeal for European intervention against repression in Greece, which the provisional government in Nafplio sought in vain to present to the Congress of Verona in 1822, the last of the great reactionary gatherings of the time, and later sent money and provisions to the rebels in Missolonghi. Sturdza, half-Greek by birth, unable to persuade the tsar that it was a natural revolt against Ottoman misrule, gave up his post and retired to his sister’s estates near Odessa. For Metternich and the tsar, this was the fruit of a Jacobin conspiracy concocted by plotters in Paris. But even while the Congress of Laibach (1821), which authorised the dispatch of troops, was still in progress, insurrection broke out in Greece. A year later, Austria implemented the recipe in Italy. In 1820 he composed a memorandum at the Congress of Troppau demanding armed intervention by the assembled powers to crush revolutions in Spain and Italy. In 1818, the year of the Congress of Aix, his call for a crackdown on sedition in Germany caused an uproar when it was leaked to the Times.
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Secretary in his twenties to Ioannis Capodistrias, Alexander I’s Greek envoy to the Congress of Vienna, with whom he worked up the tsar’s manifesto for the Holy Alliance, Sturdza went on to play a key role for Russia in the high tide of European reaction after Vienna. Six years later she published Réinventer la tradition: Alexandre Stourdza et l’Europe de la Sainte-Alliance, a study of the diplomat and thinker Alexander Sturdza – father a Romanian boyar, mother a Phanariot Greek – in the era of the European Restoration. By now a Moldovan, she made her way to Bucharest, where she would complete a doctorate in history, and then in 1995 to Geneva, where in 2002 she acquired another doctorate, in European studies. As a Soviet citizen, she was trained in philosophy and political science at the University of Leningrad, as it was, from which she graduated in 1992, a year after it became the University of St Petersburg and the USSR disintegrated. To this male cast can now be added Stella Ghervas, born in the 1970s in a region that was part of Romania before the war, occupied by the USSR in 1940 and re-annexed after the war, and is today the republic of Moldova.
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Each distinct in style, all would make notable contributions to politics proper, understood as reflections on the course of history in the Europe of their time. 1 All save Zielonka were originally trained in philosophy, which – this being Eastern Europe – was no impediment to wider interests: Furman started his career as a historian of classical antiquity, before moving to political traditions in America and then to comparative study of world religions Tamás too began in classics Žižek immersed himself in psychoanalytic theory Krastev gravitated to political science, to which Zielonka remained faithful throughout. Among these exceptions to the drift of the time could be numbered such different figures as Dmitri Furman of Russia, Gáspár Tamás of Hungary and Slavoj Žižek of Yugoslavia, born in the 1940s Jan Zielonka of Poland, born in the 1950s and Ivan Krastev of Bulgaria in the 1960s. I n a period of general ideological conformity in Western Europe, a pensée unique disturbed but not really discarded under the blows of 20, the once communist states of Eastern Europe have produced some of the most creative and independent minds in the EU and its borderlands.